جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "مشروطیت" در نشریات گروه "علوم سیاسی"

The status of women in the Qajar period was such that they were deprived of the smallest social, economic, cultural and political rights and were under severe restrictions caused by the patriarchal society. One of the most important reasons that put women in that situation was illiteracy, lack of awareness and lack of communication with society. For this reason, one of the first measures taken by modern women was the construction of girls' schools and efforts to educate girls and women. Although the establishment of girls' schools in that environment was met with protest and reaction from the traditional society, but gradually, especially after the constitutional revolution, it spread and had beneficial effects on the status of women. The aim of the current research is to investigate the results and consequences of the establishment and gradual expansion of educational institutions on the status of women at this stage. Therefore, the question is, what effect did educational institutions have on the status of women in the Qajar period? The hypothesis is that educational institutions, including girls' schools, have caused literacy and, as a result, the growth of awareness, change of attitude and efforts to play a greater role for women in society. The findings of the research show that the submissive and undemanding women of the Qajar period, upon entering the Pahlavi period, turned into demanding women who raised demands such as the right to enter society and employment. The present research method is descriptive-analytical and the data were collected in a library manner.

Political imagination is political identification and constitutionalism can be considered as the beginning of scientific imagination in Iranian politics. Imagination works by creating doubt, which is a form of political and social education, and of course, it is accompanied by criticism and leads to creativity. The imagination of constitutionalism was also to create doubt. Constitutionalism had the nature of humanities and it was for the society to be governed by humanities. Management with humanities in constitutionalism can be called the line of national resistance, which was especially meaningful against British colonial interventions. Even though constitutionalism preceded the democratic foundations in Iran's political history, it led to failure, and of course it provided the basis for the next movements of the Iranian nation. The victory of the Iranian Islamic Revolution caused a deeper view of constitutionalism to be formed. But the Islamic revolution cannot be considered as another experience of constitutionalism.

Iran's entry into the new era began with a movement called Constitutionalism. This revolution is considered the highlight of Iran's entry into the modern world and the serious and formal conflict between tradition and modernity. A movement that was formed based on public dissatisfaction, economic disturbances, and political inefficiency, and it started with great expectations. Still, it drowned in the deep sea of despair and led to a period of conflict and chaos, which brought the country to the brink of collapse. The present article seeks to examine the question of what is the relationship between the occurrence of constitutionalism and western modernity? This article is based on the assumption that the constitutional revolution is of a fantasy type and is caused by the encounter of Iranians with the shock of western modernity. Phantasies, which are, from the point of view, the product of a traumatic encounter with reality, are like a stiff veil, making the possibility of appearing and showing efficiency impossible and marginalizing the idea of solving the crisis. In this imaginary scene, we are the protagonists, and our dreams are being realized, and our desires are being formed. Our social reality is the product of this fantasy and an inappropriate and sarcastic response to the incurability of reality. This imaginary integration of political reality does not leave a way out for the society except to remain captive in the cycle of successive fantasies.

Developments during the constitutional period and the formation of opposition and pro-government groups in Iran led to a change in political jurisprudence and Shia ideas about the state. During this period, Shia jurists, in the two schools of Iran and Najaf, expressed their political and jurisprudential positions, which resulted in two important views of constitutional and legitimate monarchy. The view of constitutional monarchy was created by jurists such as Mohammad Hossein Naeini and derived from the new concepts of constitutionalism. In contrast, the view of a legitimate monarchy was founded by scholars such as Sheikh Fazlollah Nuri. The author’s question in this article is what are the views of these two schools on theories of government and which concepts have had the most impact on them? The author has used the hermeneutic methodological model of Quentin Skinner to examine the views of Mohammad Hossein Naeini and Sheikh Fazlollah Nouri. The results show that linguistic and intellectual contexts on the one hand and practical and environmental contexts on the other hand have led to their different views of constitutionalism.

The theories of the transition to democracy in the past decades consider political and economic development as a movement that started with enlightenment and then will inevitably lead to prosperity and progress. This is almost moving in a dogmatic way to realize liberty for all the countries of the world. Late theories and especially the development research Approach of Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson with an emphasis on politics, economics and history; They have shown that there is no coercion in the transition to democracy, but a completely unstable balance that must be constantly protected. The research question is: How was the relationship between the power of the state and the society in the constitutionalism and what is its relationship with the transition to democracy? in constitutionalism, the power of the Shah Decreased and provided for the development of society as one of the foundations of the transition to democracy. Under the subjugation of the cage of norms and the weakening of the state's capacity as another basis for the transition to democracy, the synchronic strengthening of society and the state and the rise of the Shackled Leviathan as the Equilibrium of transition to democracy did not happen, and Iran was thrown out of the narrow corridor of liberty. The method of this research is historical-explanatory sociology, and its data has been collected through library-documentary studies and analyzed in the framework of Acemoglu and Robinson 's theory.

The aim of the present study is a comparative study of government in Naini and Motahhari political thought. The main question is how to explain the commonalities and differences between Naini and Motahhari political thought about government by referring to the conditions prevailing during the constitutional period and the Islamic Revolution? For this reason, with Skinner's contextual hermeneutic method, it was shown that there is no difference of opinion between the two thinkers. Both believe in the divine and popular legitimacy of the jurist during the absence of the Infallible Imam, and his role in society is the role of an ideologist and his duty is to monitor the correct implementation of ideology in Islamic society. Naini, because of his presence in the reformist atmosphere, with a positive and interactive view and using the hidden capacities in Shiite jurisprudence, wanted to reform the process of governing and not to dismantle it; But Motahhari, because of his position in the revolutionary atmosphere created by Marxism, sought to form an Islamic government with his own views by using the Shiite intellectual capacities and looking negatively and critically at its components, by ideologizing religion.

The political history of Iran after Islam is influenced by the Role-Playing of tribes and clans until the Pahlavi period. Efforts by ethnic groups to gain supremacy in Iran have created huge tensions and divisions between ethnicities. This was more evident before the Qajars came to power. The Qajars themselves came to power by defeating other ethnic groups and then tried to control them in various ways. Developments leading to constitutionalism showed that the ethnic groups used of the weakness of the central government and overthrew the government of Mohammad Ali Shah Qajar by attacking the capital. Therefore, the question arises that what effect did the ethnic gap in the Qajar period have on the process of developments leading to constitutionalism? The research hypothesis is that Ethnic gaps have led different ethnic groups to use military force to shape the most important developments leading to constitutionalism and Finally, the constitutional revolution has been formed due to the dominance of ethnic groups opposed to the ruling regime. The findings show that some ethnicities had no mentality of constitutionalism and only because of the weakness of the central government, they have seen an opportunity to settle ethnic accounts. The aim of the present study is to show how ethnic gaps led to the removal of Mohammad Ali Shah from the monarchy and the re-establishment of constitutionalism. In this regard, a descriptive-analytical approach has been used to analyze the data the materials are also collected in a library method.

Iran's relationship with modernity is one of the most important issues in its recent history. The critical situation of Qajar, which had been created since the first years of the establishment of this government, paved the way for a kind of "modernism". From the very first connections, the Iranians tried, above all, to test. "Experiences" that somehow gave way to "theory" for understanding modernity. The four elements of this "experience" can be considered as "observation", "action", "opinion in action" and "opinion", which were considered according to the "understanding" of Iranian modernists in the Qajar era and then in the continuation of contemporary history.  This article, by examining these four components, "Why the concept of" experience used to understand modernism in contemporary Iran instead of theory, and which elements of the experience of political modernity us instead of theory? This article, by using the Spragens’s crisis theory, attempt to compare the terms of the "experience of political modernity" with the four stages of his theory. The main conclusion of this article is that the "experience of Iranian political modernism" is a system of four elements that, in an "internal logic", replaced by the theory of change in the critical situation of contemporary Iran.

 In many pluralistic societies such as Iran, the issue of distribution of power and local governance as one of the important indicators of political development and good governance is of great importance. Historical experience shows us that inaccuracies in the proper distribution of power can be a good platform for centrifugal movements or authoritarian centralism. Since the beginning of the constitutional movement in Iran, the issue of power distribution and local governance has been considered by constitutionalists and later Republicans. Given the importance of this issue, the present article seeks to find out how the mechanism of power distribution is regulated and realized by paying attention to local governance in the constitution and subsequent ordinary laws as well as in practice. Our hypothesis in this article, which is confirmed by the following evidence, is that the crisis in the Qajar patrimonialistic system paves the way for the move towards decentralization, but the international and national situation increased the need of the monopoly control of power sources by the centralized Pahlavi government, and the issue of local governance and distribution of power wasn’t considered in practice. This article shows that the fluctuation between the concentration and distribution of power in the period under review indicates a duality of attitude towards political development among Iran's political elites; Development means the expansion of competition and political participation of social forces or development means increasing the power, potentiality and efficiency of government.

One of the policies of colonialism to exploit nations is to destroy the mentality of society against the leaders of the uprisings and the movements for the independence of the state. Such a policy has been widely used in Iran also as the one in the case of Sheikh Fazlollah Noori for destroying his personality, a religious outstanding who fought hard against colonial influence in the constitutional era and was considered as a symbol of resistance. The present study mainly deals with the style of Western historiographcal literature and its followers as viewed on Sheikh Fazlallah and his style of struggle in the constitutional movement. The findings show that such historiographers have opposed Sheikh Fazlollah`s leadership in the fight against colonialism with such charges as bribery, conservatism and despotism. The present article seeks to examine the personality of Sheikh Fazlollah in their works through a descriptive and analytical approach, based on the sources written by this historiographical process.

The failure of the tyrannical system to respond to the needs of Iranian society that began in the early nineteenth century led to the start of the reform process and eventually to the constitutional movement. The goal of this movement, which took place by the cooperation of influential sections of society such as clergies and intellectuals, was to establish a political system based on parliamentary democracy under the royal constitutional system and to adhere to religious principles, but failed to achieve that goal. The question of this research, which has been addressed by a library method and a descriptive-analytical approach, is whether the British government played a role in the failure of the constitutional movement. The findings of the study show that the government's initial support for the deceptive constitutional movement was no more and the continued hostility of the Russians to the constitutional revolution would not have been possible without British coordination.