جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « pragmatism » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

Irony is one of the constitutive concepts in Richard Rorty’s pragmatism. The ironist is his ideal type of the person: self-creative and self-conscious, aware of his own contingency, anti-foundationalist, and always ready to revise his account of the self and the world radically. Michel Foucault, on the other hand, is concerned with the concept parrhesia. Parrhesiastes is a type of person comparable to the ironist. Hence, the main question in this paper is: what are the similarities and differences between the Rorty’s ironist and Foucault’s parrhesiastes. We will see that while the ironist is keen to confine irony to the private realm, in order not to humiliate anybody, the parrhesiastes has no reluctance to go beyond the limits of the private, and to speak the truth. He does not avoid the risk of saying the truth to those in power even at the cost of his life, while the former is more cautious. Self-creation and autonomy is shared between the two types of personalities. Socrates is the embodiment of both personalities. He is praised as an ironist as well as a parrhesiastes.

American pragmatists consider the realist and liberal tradition in international relations to be inefficient and believe that most of the successes of American foreign policy have been achieved with a pragmatic approach and a peaceful method and emphasis on diplomacy. At first, Biden's foreign policy was organized around the issue of human rights and democracy, but the outbreak of the war between Russia and Ukraine caused a change in priorities. Therefore, by transitioning from liberalism to pragmatism in foreign policy, he tried to manage this crisis. The purpose of this article is to examine the change of priorities and approaches in Biden's foreign policy after the Russia-Ukraine war. The question of this article is: What did the Russia-Ukraine war cause? Has there been a change in the priorities of Biden's foreign policy? The hypothesis of this research, which tries to be proven with analytical and explanatory methodology and emphasis on objective and tangible political facts, is: that understanding the war between Russia and Ukraine as a strategic threat from the government Biden changed the approach in American foreign policy to manage this crisis. In such a way that pragmatism became the focal point and central core of Biden's foreign policy, and issues such as human rights and democracy are marginal issues.

Political phenomena, including revolutions, are historical events that, like an organism, have stages of birth, adolescence and gaining experience, youth and strength, maturity and evolution. Iran's Islamic revolution of 1979, as the last link in the chain of revolutions of the 20th century, is in the middle of its fifth decade. This revolution went through its initial decades with many ups and downs and now it is at a critical stage in its history. Perhaps the most important challenge facing the Islamic revolution at this historical juncture is the amazing acceleration of changes and metamorphosis in the world and man. In the upcoming research, the researchers intend to answer this major question while using the descriptive/analytical approach in the framework of the theory of persuasion and cultural diplomacy, that in the new configuration of the world arena, the Islamic revolution will ensure survival, continuity of movement and achievement of its goals in the future perspective. What approach should be taken and which approach can be used to achieve these goals? The findings of the research indicate that the Islamic revolution can have 6 different images for the future by rethinking approaches and persuading public opinion, considering both internal and external levels. These hypothetical images are a function of using three ideological, pragmatic and civic approaches.

The present research was conducted with the aim of identifying the concept of reason in Albert Ellis's rational-emotional theory and comparing and criticizing it based on the Islamic perspective. The present research method is descriptive and analytical according to which, first by reviewing the available sources, the basics of Ellis's theory were identified, and then the concept of reason in this theory was identified and presented, and then it was examined and criticized from the perspective of religious sources. The findings showed that, contrary to Ellis, who believes in pragmatic reason and considers it a tool to measure apparent and tangible profit and loss in this world, from the point of view of religion, reason is a diagnostic power that manifests itself on both theoretical and practical levels. In other words, intellect has two basic components, one is cognitive component, whose function is to recognize and recognize expediency and corruption, good and evil. Another component is motivation, which consists of a kind of tendency to do good and prevent ugliness and undesirable behaviors.

The Russian Federation in the post-Soviet era has faced with many security threats. This article has studied the approaches of the Russian Federation under Vladimir Putin seeks to answer the fundamental question, " Why has Russia put realistic pragmatism and foreign policy codes on its foreign policy agenda under Putin?" The paper's hypothesis is that "the geopolitical threats and consequently the fragility of the Russian Federation's national security in the post-Cold War space have been the most important driver of pragmatism in its foreign policy". security threats at both domestic and foreign levels seem to undermine Russian security at three levels: domestic, regional and systemic. This has prompted Putin whit comprehensive approach to concept of security, to turn to Realistic pragmatism foreign policy to counter these threats. Research findings show that behavioral codes such as selective engagement, Emphasis on the formation of a multipolar system in the international system and the strengthening of regionalization, the strategy of reviving its power as a global power, economization of foreign policy, Russian-oriented institutionalism in Eurasia, The policy of looking to the East and cooperating with independent governments from the West and counter-terrorism which all have been designed and implemented to safeguard Russia's interests and security and reduce the potential impact of these threats on Russian national security. In this paper, the research method is in the form of formative and analytical explanations and attempts to find the root of the relationship between the dependent and independent variables of the article.

Foreign policy is the strategy designed by a state’s policy makers in relation to interactions with other states and international actors to achieve national objectives and safeguard national interests. An in-depth look into the Islamic Republic of Iran’s foreign policy indicates a set of ideological norms, principles, and objectives as well as a pragmatic approach, manifested in the last decades. Accepting the current realities in the world, a pragmatic foreign policy pursues maximum utilization of opportunities with regard to national interests of a given state. This study aimed to determine the role of ideology and pragmatism in Iran’s foreign policy during Hassan Rouhani’s presidency. It also attempted to establish which one of these factors was more essential and carried more weight. Accordingly, this was a historical-analytical study relying on library research. The results demonstrated that the rough core of Iran’s foreign policy based on ideological preference was the most important factor in determining Iran’s foreign strategies and policies under the Rouhani administration. Influenced by its sublime signifier, Rouhani’s government leaned towards moderation; while upholding an Islamic discourse whose elements were based on the principles and values of the Islamic Revolution, the Rouhani administration used its rationalistic and balanced approach, based on consequentialism, to deconstruct the structure of the international system.

Although the United Arab Emirates, because of its population and territory, is one of the small states in international relations, but its policies in both foreign and domestic spheres during the past two decades have contributed to the promotion of this actor in the Persian Gulf sub-region as well as in the international system. Precisely, the decision made by the country’s statesmen to move towards becoming a regional actor goes back to the period after the death of Sheikh Zayed Al Nahyan, the first leader of the UAE in the post-independence period (1971). Although UAE’s pattern of governance took shape after the operations of the US-led coalition forces in Kuwait intended to expel Iraq from the country in 1991, this process was very conservative and slow until the death of Sheikh Zayed (2004). In the meantime, technological and economic cooperation between the UAE and Israel in 2006 and its exploitation in the form of Israel interceding for the UAE before the United States asking it to ignore the participation of Emirati nationals in the terrorist team responsible for 9/11 attacks became a basis for economic cooperation between the United States and the UAE. However, what completely changed the country's domestic and international practices was the wave of Arab unrest that began in North Africa in 2010 and affected the majority of the Arab states.

Revolution is an event with fundamental and usually violent changes that disrupt the current course of affairs and seek to launch a new plan and establish a new system. One of the consequences of revolutions is the negation of existing political structures and revolutionaries usually establish their desired institutions after the revolutionary fervor has subsided. However, over time, the confrontation between revolutionary ideology and the administrative and executive structure resulting from the revolution has become one of the most challenging issues for revolutionaries. The present article argues that beyond case-specific conflicts, the root of this issue lies in the issue of "state-building." In fact, due to their sensitivity to the values of the revolution, revolutionaries are reluctant to accept the nature of the state in its true sense and with its inevitable requirements including the concentration of executive power in the government and the originality of the logic of public interest. They have a reductionist view of government, which causes even revolutionary governments to gradually lose an important part of their legitimacy and acceptance in this difficult situation. To this end and to show the importance of this issue as a structural matter and not just a specific person and government, we focus on the two governments of "Mahmoud Ahmadinejad" because the discourse of this government and its supporters, at least initially the coming of that revolutionary state was depicted, but the problem of the incompatibility of revolutionary act and the logic of action in the form of government in these states also manifested itself in a tangible way.The issue emphasized in this article, i.e. duality in revolutionary institutions and the established political structure, is an issue whose its history and background even goes back to the threshold of the Islamic Revolution; As with the transfer of executive power from the Shah to "Bakhtiar", dual sovereignty was keyed in the country and Imam Khomeini first formed the Revolutionary Council from exile and immediately after returning to Iran, the interim government headed by Bazargan was specified in the Imam's message that the installation Bazargan, while paying attention to their faith in the "Holy School of Islam" and also based on their fighting records, and at the same time "without considering party relations and depending on a particular group". Such an interpretation implicitly indicated the difference between the revolutionaries and the professional technocrats of politics, such as the national-religious forces, and also introduced some dualism in the post-revolution period. This dual situation is understandable in terms of the confrontation between the revolutionary regime and the political system before the revolution (Bakhtiar's government) and perhaps its existence at the beginning of the revolution is also justified, but the issue here is that such dual confrontation has continued in the post-revolution era for some reasons. Discourse disputes are usually made from floating signs at the level of society, but all of them immediately tend to reach the political power and have the upper hand in the government. Therefore, the gap and opposition between the revolutionary discourses and those who are on the opposite spectrum and are referred to by various titles such as moderate, moderate and sometimes harsh terms such as compromiser and even traitor, in its obvious form. shows at the government level. Of course, tension occurs not only in the institution of the government, but also in everything that leads to the government, for example, skepticism towards party activity or at least caution about it is a clear manifestation of this issue, and revolutionaries, including in Iran Due to the concern of the unity of the different classes and spectrums of the people, they have been worried about the multiplicity caused by the activities of the parties even among the aligned currents. This situation has intensified with the appearance of external threats and everything that is classified as coups, conspiracies, internal unrest and protests, etc. Ahmadinejad's coming to power was the result of the rise of fundamentalist, revolutionary and of course populist discourse. In particular, the important beginning of this movement was the victory of fundamentalists on the 28th of February 2003 in the second term of the Tehran City Council elections, which they achieved a decisive victory by organizing in the form of a coalition of Islamic Iran settlers. They were the result of an organization known as the "Coordinating Council of the Islamic Revolution Forces" which was influenced by two fundamentalist organizations "The Party of Islamic Revolution Martyrs" and "Islamic Society of Engineers" and finally Mahmoud Ahmadinejad as one of the activists of these two currents as the mayor of Tehran Selected. During the uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa around 2011 onwards, Ahmadinejad used the term "human awakening" instead of the term "Islamic awakening" and tried to explain this phenomenon beyond a mere issue related to Muslims and Islam. This issue showed a non-ideological implication for describing such movements. Such themes in the philosophical literature and human sciences are not so unfamiliar interpretations, but the revolutionaries could not accept that such interpretations emanate from the speech of the government attributed to them, especially with all the costs they had paid materially and non-materially for the establishment of this government. In fact, just as once upon a time the rational explanation and interpretation of Islamic teachings by streams such as religious intellectuals were interpreted by neglecting some religious foundations, the belief of the spring ring in the reinterpretation of contemporary developments also meant ignoring a part of the revolutionary speech. The justification of the mentioned statesmen regarding the need to emphasize the commonalities between religions or to go beyond the appearances of the Sharia to reach its innermost meaning, because it required ignoring the authority of the revolutionaries, especially the clergy, as the intellectual and administrative authority of the discourse of the revolution, and at the same time, the specific and special dimensions of the discourse of the revolution could not be accepted by this group of supporters of the revolution.

Over the past few decades, China has concentrated on numerous resources, especially new power resources, to complete its all-aspects power. This research investigates the different reason for China’s increasing participation in international institutions as well as creating new economic and financial institutions. Findings show that China has taken a non-aggressive and peaceful approach to participating in international institutions and in some cases creates regional and international institutions (such as Shanghai Cooperation Organization, BRICS, and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank) in order to change and strengthen its international position, and to change global security and economic arrangements.  This approach, which stems from the dominance of the pragmatic approach in Chinese foreign policy, includes three stages of refusal, participation, and institutionalization in the international arena. The method of this research is a descriptive-analytical method.

The present article examines the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Khatami and Rouhani discourses. The main question of the article is what was the approach to de-escalation in Khatami and Rouhani discourses? The hypotheses that follow this question are as follows: De-escalation of tensions in both Khatami and Rouhani discourses has been the result of their realistic and pragmatic approach to foreign policy. The results of the research show that both discourses believed that the solution to Iran's problems and crises should be sought in improving Iran's image based on existing regional and international realities. Accordingly, both of them sought to put a review of strategies on the agenda while maintaining the basic principles and identity of Iran's foreign policy. Research method in the present study is the qualitative method (descriptive-analytical method) and the data were collected from library sources in the form of phishing.

The Muslim Brotherhood movement is the most important movement claiming political Islam in the Sunni world. This movement, centered in Egypt, has many branches in Islamic and Arab countries. The Muslim Brotherhood, which is the most ideologically cohesive movement among the Islamist movements in the Arab world, has always formed its ideals and ideologies by believing in political Islam. The ideological principles of the Muslim Brotherhood must be found in the thoughts of its founder, Hassan al-Banna. Over time and under environmental conditions, this movement has made changes in its ideas and principles that distinguish it from the traditional Brotherhood or the Conservative Brotherhood. This development can be followed in two stages. In fact, after the martyrdom of Hassan al-Banna, and specifically since Omar Telsmani, this ideological transformation began in the Brotherhood, and the next stage of this transformation, which was a continuation of the previous path, became concrete after the Brotherhood came to power in Egypt after the 2011 Arab transformations. Given the importance of understanding these approaches and ideological metamorphosis, in this article, using descriptive-analytical method and library tools, seeks to answer the question of how the approaches and ideological developments of the Muslim Brotherhood movement since the martyrdom of Hassan al-Banna until now. And in what areas has it been?The findings of the article show that the Muslim Brotherhood since Omar Telsmani about the nature of government, the type of confrontation with the government, the method of participation in society and political activities in internal sphere.

The Iranian policy behavior toward the Korean Peninsula has generally remained as an anomaly to its overall pattern of foreign policymaking with regard to many other parts of the world. Both under the Pahlavi monarchy and the Islamic Republic, Iran has often kept a rather low-profile yet active approach vis-à-vis the Koreans on both sides of the peninsula, aiming to accomplish a great deal of its objectives in all political, military, economic, financial, technological, and cultural areas. Applying a pragmatist framework of analysis, this study argues that within the past several decades the Iranian orientation has been somehow persistent and effective, making it possible for Tehran to quietly pursue its various goals in the peninsula at a relatively low cost. More importantly, Iran’s approach toward the Korean Peninsula under the Islamic Republic and the lessons Tehran gleaned from its multifaceted interactions with South Korea and North Korea over a course of more than four decades could be used as an illuminating template for foreign policymaking toward some other important regions where Iran has enormous interests.

The contradictory policy of the European Union and European countries towards the crisis in Yemen has raised many questions regarding the principle guide of the EU's foreign policy as well as the European approach to conflict resolution. The rhetoric of the Union (and European governments) on playing a mediating role on the one hand and the pursuit of pragmatic trade and economic interests on the other hand, has made the recognition of this principle more complex. In this regard, the present article examines the policy of the Union (and the governments) by using the theoretical literature presented in EU global strategy and by emphasizing the two concepts of "resilience" and "principled pragmatism" in this document. Accordingly, an examination of the documents and policies implemented, as well as a reference to the available statistics, shows the weak role of European norms and values in the EU policy towards Yemen and the dominance of the pragmatic element in this policy. Given Iran's role and importance in resolving the Yemeni crisis, Europe has sought to use Iranian leverage to influence the Houthis. Thus, although Europe's approach to the Yemeni crisis is fragmented, secondary, and in many cases at odds with Iran's regional policies, but there are several opportunities for Iran to resolve the Yemeni crisis in cooperation with Europe, which are addressed in this article

Research findings have shown that U.S strategy toward western Asia has undergone fundamental changes in recent years. Creating ISIS emerging phenomenon, and providing it with financial, intelligent, military and logistic support is a manifestation of this new strategy. Literature review shows that ISIS and its relation with U.S interests is investigated thoroughly, however, after physical eradication of ISIS by regional powers and axis of resistance, no systematic research is conducted on the U.S strategy in post-ISIS world. Thus, the current research is an attempt to employ the principles of regional security complex theory and adopt documentary research method to investigate resistance power elements and virtual caliphate of U.S in post-ISIS period comparatively. It was revealed that after ISIS, resistance structural development has overpowered U.S coalition making. Also, the pragmatic nature of the resistance has strategically defeated American military kinetic actions. In addition to that, the U.S attempts aimed at recovering the virtual caliphate of ISIS through media and propaganda is blocked by realities of Shiite crescent. This research has implications for researcher in politics, regional studies, and theoretical and military strategists.

Terrorism is one of the most important concepts in the theory and practice of international politics. This article aims to analyze the place of terrorism in U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East. Distinguishing levels of declared policies and utilitarianism and drawing upon institutionalism and democracy in transitional period and their relationship with pragmatism in U.S foreign policy, this article seeks to answer the following question: what place does terrorism occupy in U.S. foreign policy after 9/11? As a hypothesis, this article argues that after 9/11 based on pragmatist tradition and instrumentalist approach, U.S. foreign policy has used terrorism as an instrument to protect its national interest. The research method used in the article is descriptive-explanatory. The findings include that First, 9/11 has been a legitimizing key for violence and intervention in U.S. foreign policy in the form of preemptive wars on terror. Second, there is a relationship among U.S. national security strategies, counterterrorism, support for democracy in the Middle East (in a selective form), preemptive wars and U.S. leadership. Democracy is a legitimating instrument for management of terrorism and it can link Islam to terrorism. Third, U.S. foreign policy’s pragmatist tradition, by using the instrument of terrorism, has attained multiple goals such as defending democracy and liberal values in the Middle East transitional countries, access to the Middle East oil market and arms sales.

The purpose of this study was to investigate the position and relationships of religion and politics in the school of pragmatism. In this regard, first with a descriptive-analytical method, a thorough look at the foundations, basics, characteristics, and contexts of the emergence and formation of the Pragmatic School,then Pragmatists' views of politics and religion were then explained, and the implications and how interaction between religion and politics in the school of pragmatism were examined.The results showed,The pragmatic view of religion, derives from the humanist and pragmatic view of its thinkers.By virtually denying the origin of religion, it reduces religion to its practical functions and downgrades it to an instrumental, personal, and empirical point.It is interpreted in light of its application that may have individual, moral, and social benefits to human beings, and that religion is not allowed to interfere in politics. In addition, politics in this school is not an ideal mission, but only as a pragmatic philosophy.

Pragmatism and new pragmatism are among the most important philosophical schools that have seriously influenced many areas of social life - including law and politics - in recent decades. According to these two schools, the concept of human rights is clearly a controversial concept that needs to be justified. In the nineteenth century, reason became the "scientific intellect", and it is evident that science was also the enemy of the concept of natural rights. In addition, a reaction to the individualism of the natural rights theory also came up, and this Aristotelian idea, which is the basic concept of the political philosophy of the society, was restored. In fact, Richard Rorty has argued that there is no theoretical basis for human rights, because there is no theoretical basis for any belief. However, this is not regrettable, both because this is a philosophical and necessary fact, and because the human rights subject does not require a theory to be successful, but it requires empathy. In this research, we introduce the foundations of pragmatism and new pragmatism and then examine the human status in this school, relying on the views of one of the philosophers of this school, Richard Rorty, and finally, his views of Human rights will be clearly presented.