جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « pluralism » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

Comparative study of the electoral system of the National Assembly of France and the Islamic Council of Iran" Abstract Among the interesting and important categories in legal and political issues is the study of electoral systems in different legal systems. Naturally, the comparative study of electoral systems can show the weaknesses and strengths of these systems, and modeling successful electoral systems can help to fix the flaws in other electoral systems. The electoral system of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the French Republic, while similar, also have fundamental differences. The current study aims at comparing these two electoral systems. The hypothesis of this research is that both electoral systems are similar in relation to the quality of the elections, executive electoral institutions and supervisory institutions from one side, and regarding the voting method, independence and plurality of supervisory institutions, election administrators, election campaigns and people's monitoring of the election process have clear differences from each other. The general result of this article is that the most important difference between the parliamentary elections in France and Iran is in the field of executive and supervisory institutions, so that while holding elections in Iran is exclusively under government’s control, in France, other independent institutions such as municipalities and independent citizens also play an important role in holding the elections. On the other hand, supervision of Iran's parliamentary elections is essentially , discretionary type and it’s domain is very broad - which means from the stage of monitoring the authenticity.

An examination of the orientations and social, cultural, and political activities of the clergy in Kurdistan underscores their active role in the social system. The concept of political culture can help understand the social and political inclinations. According to Tessler (2011), the analysis of political culture entails the examination of the type of participation and practical involvement of people in political and social life, along with their orientations towards diversity and pluralism. Despite the increasing significance of political culture for development as well as social and political participation in Iranian society, there has been a notable absence of research on the political culture of clerics and its implications for social order and change. Considering the pivotal role of religious communities in the collective consciousness of Kurdistan and the interconnection of religion with ethnicity, identity, and politics, it becomes imperative to examine the role and agency of clerics in instigating social, political, and cultural changes. Focusing on the Sunni clergy in Sanandaj, the present study aimed to understand the clergy’s meaning-making system and interpretation of sociopolitical spheres in order to examine the dimensions and types of their political culture and its implications for cultural, social, and political development of Kurdistan Province.

Literature Review:

A review of empirical studies reveals a gap in the literature on the connection between religion and the status of Sunni Kurdish clerics, as well as their practical involvement in political and social aspects of their community. It seems that there is no comprehensive study addressing the civic and political activism as well as the political culture of the Sunni clergy in Kurdistan. The present research endeavored to fill this void by adopting an innovative and exploratory approach. Mark Tessler’s typology of political culture orientations stands out due to its integrated nature and its focus on the theoretical literature of political culture, particularly in the context of Islamic countries, thus proving to be more relevant to the current study. Tessler’s definition of political culture encompasses both normative and behavioral aspects. The normative or pluralism/diversity dimension involves two variables: support for gender equality and political tolerance. The behavioral or the involvement dimension encompasses interpersonal trust, civic participation, political interest, and political knowledge (Tessler, 2011, p. 172). Moreover, Tessler classifies political culture in Islamic societies into four types: democratic, indifferent, activist, and parochial.

The present study used the ethnographic method and the interviews with 40 Sunni clerics in Sanandaj. A combination of theoretical and purposive sampling, along with maximum variation sampling, was used to select a sample of individuals aged from 30 to 65 years. Concerning the data analysis, ethnography adheres to analytical induction and grounded theory as an overarching, useful strategy (Strauss & Corbin, 1990).

The interview results made clear that over half of the interviewed clerics did not appreciate alternative thoughts and the benefits of diverse lifestyles. They would not accept pluralism and diversity in political–cultural opinions, nor would they support gender equality. Concerning the involvement dimension, the interviewees exhibited restricted participation in both political and social spheres, and their level of interpersonal trust was notably limited. According to the research results, the political culture orientation of the interviewees can be characterized as limited and parochial.

The interpretive analysis of the political culture of the sampled clerics indicates that the limited political culture is not substantially aligned with development in cultural, social, and political arenas. The limited political culture fails to foster a generalized social capital, multiculturalism, and the openness of civil society. In certain instances, it can impede cultural and social change by hindering the potential for making demands, advocating corrective actions, and pursing political reform. Considering the influence of lived experience and political opportunities on political culture, it seems necessary to institutionally recognize Sunni clerics, expand political opportunities, and foster increased openness within institutional and structural channels. These measures can lead to a more inclusive political culture, thus facilitating a shift towards a democratic political culture.

The economics of crime is one of the interdisciplinary topics that entered economics after the 1970s with the efforts of Gray-Becker, and this science is trying to analyze the economic aspects of crime. The occurrence of crime as an undesirable social phenomenon has several economic and social causes, and due to the importance of the issue of crime, in different countries, in recent years, extensive studies have been conducted to identify and explain the causes of its occurrence. Identifying and explaining the causes of crime makes we reach the goal of prevention; because the costs of crime, especially the costs of punishment, including imprisonment, impose a heavy burden on the executive body. By identifying and preventing these factors, these costs can be reduced and spent on other priorities. In this article, the dimensions of the economy of crime in the analysis of the pluralism of punishment and its individualization have been investigated with a descriptive and analytical method.

Afghanistan is one of the countries that has a heterogeneous and multi-ethnic structure, and the problem of ethnicity and ethnicity is one of the great harms of unity and the source of differences on the social structure of the Afghan society, and it has been one of the serious obstacles to national cohesion, convergence and political development. has been in this country. Of course, in Afghanistan since its establishment as an independent country (1747 AD), attention has been paid to this phenomenon, and in order to curb it in different periods and governments, considering the diversity and characteristics of Afghan ethnicities, on the one hand, and on the other hand, looking at the conditions governing the region and interests The national and political systems of this country have engaged in ethnic politics. The political structure in Afghanistan is based on ethnic politics. The structure of this country has always depended on ethnic politics. The main goal of this research is to analyze and evaluate the mono-ethnic policy in the political structure, while this country has ethnic diversity.Research background Various researches and articles have been written about ethnic politics, political structure and cultural and social diversity in Afghanistan, which can generally be examined in the following categories.The phenomenon of ethnocentrism is a negative phenomenon which was examined on the axis of Afghanism (Pashtunism) and the ethnic policies of Afghanistan's rulers were formed "unsuccessfully and based on nervousness", which can be seen in the article "Political Development of Afghanistan and the Inhibiting Role of Ethnicism" In its formation", written by Mohammad Ali Mir Ali and Mohammad Mohsani, he pointed out.Due to the severity of religious, linguistic and especially ethnic differences between "all the ethnic groups of Afghanistan", he considers that the talk of the ethnic politics of Afghanistan's rulers was mostly the result of "foreign element's intervention". In this regard, the thesis of Hafizullah Hafiz is entitled "Comparative study of the role of Iran and Saudi Arabia in the management of the conflict in Afghanistan (2001-2017).Regarding the political structure of Afghanistan position, we can refer to the article "The position of ethnic groups in the formation of the political structure of Afghanistan's governance after 2001 AD", written by Kyomarth Yazdan-Panah and Seyed Jalal Ahmadi, which mostly deals with the position of ethnic groups in the republic period. While ethnic politics in the form of unity in plurality existed in a weak and intense form during this period.Regarding the solution to Afghanistan's crises, the research entitled "The path to ethnic problems in Afghanistan" by Barfield is of the opinion that the existing solution is to transition from the crisis and decentralize the power structure and give more powers to local governments. While one of the main factors in crises is the monopoly of the political structure by governments.This research is looking for accurate and useful reports about the role of ethnic politics in the political structure, and on the other hand, it aims to focus more on ethnic politics in the field of ethnic politics in the contemporary period.The basic question raised in this article. It is: How is the role of ethnic politics in the political structure of Afghanistan analyzed?Sub questionsIn what period of Afghanistan's rulers was the ethnic identification model implemented?The model of ethnic pluralism was carried out during which period of Afghanistan's rulers?The model of unity in ethnic plurality, during which period of Afghanistan's rulers, has continued to happen?The declarative and practical policies of dealing with ethnicity in Afghanistan in the contemporary period and different governments have similar and different characteristics and approaches, and in addition, the shortcomings of the ruling governments, sometimes with the resistance of the traditional society and tribe. They faced Afghanistan.From the period of Abdali, Abdul Rahman, Habibullah, Nader, Hashim, Dawood and the Taliban in order to lead and control it, they used the approach of ethnic identification models and models based on Afghanism (Pashto) and even though they institutionalized Afghan nationalism.From the era of Amanullah, Shah Mahmoud, Zahir Shah, Nur Mohammad Taraki, Hafizullah Amin, Birak Karmel and Najibullah, in this regard, according to the models and models of pluralism that led to the equality of ethnic groups. they moved. Although they had significant achievements, traditional values prevented it and finally left the playing field for the other party.Finally, the Daud Khan Republic and the government of Hamed Karzai and Mohammad Ashraf Ghani emphasized on the model and models of unity at the same time as plurality. But none of these rulers were successful in this move.This research is among developmental and applied research. According to the type and topic of the research, the collection of research data is based on documentary and library methods.The findings of this research show that the political structure in Afghanistan has always been based on ethnic policies and the ruling Afghan (Pashto) people. In other human societies, people have power from governments. But in the society of Afghanistan, which is a very traditional society, which has power based on religion, religion, ethnicity, and even tribe. In this country, all interactions, relations, political and social affairs are formed based on religion, ethnicity, and the continuity of governments is in the shadow of ethnicity and religion. On the other hand, the rulers of statesmen; They have also tried in many ways to reduce the influence of ethnicity and religion and to change the bilateral relations between ethnic groups, tribes and governments and bring them to the benefit of the central government.

The North Caucasus region has always been restless and subject to tensions and crises that have continued since the time of Stalin and there is no clear vision for this region in the near future. Exploring the political and security activities of Russia in this region can be helpful and effective in understanding the root causes and dimensions of these crises. The north Caucasus is a special region in the Russian federation where many ethnic groups such as Kabardians, Balkars, Circassians, Chechens, Ingush and other peoples live. Russia plays a big role in this region. The problem of the current research is to investigate the ethnic and territorial policies of Russia and its effect on the spread of ethnic conflicts and extremism in the North Caucasus.  The findings of the present research show that the ethnic policies and Russification of the Caucasus region by the Russians are in line with the historical, geographical and cultural de-identification of the people of this region, making these ethnic groups dependent on the Russian government, curbing the influence of NATO and the United States in this region and energy security. Also, the events of the Islamic world, including the rise of the Taliban, Al-Qaeda and the ISIS and its security implications for Russia and its regional allies have prompted it to adopt a combination of containment, confrontation and engagement measures in the region. The question that arises here is the effect of Russia's ethnic policies on extremism and political stability in the North Caucasus.

 The political space creation strategy was in line with the historical, geographical and cultural identity of the people of this region, making these tribes dependent on the Russian government and creating permanent divisions and duality between the tribes, so, it led to extremism in north Caucasus.
The research method is qualitative and content analysis type. In this research, with an analytical approach, an attempt is made to explain why the competition, tension and continuous conflicts that have cast a shadow on this region in the North Caucasus region for several decades.
 The method of collecting information is using library resources, including domestic and foreign books and articles.
Theoretical framework is based on Martin Marjer’s ethnic politics. The ethnic stratification system of a society is formed by the nature of the internal relationship between groups, the scarce resources for which they compete for and most importantly, the ability of one group to impose its dominance on others. According to Martin Marjer, three important patterns of behavior reinforce ethnic ideology, escalating ethnic strife, extremism and inter-ethnic division. These three patterns are: the first pattern: adaptation. The second pattern: Egalitarian pluralism. Third pattern: contradictory, conflicting and unequal pluralism

 adaptation or assimilation: groups may be culturally similar or assimilated and interact freely with each other. This process means assimilation, or they may remain culturally distinct and socially distinct. This process is called pluralism. Adaptation means a process of distinct reduction. This process occurs when members of two smaller societies or cultural groups assimilate.

 Egalitarian pluralism: Equal pluralism implies the creation of equality between different groups with independent cultural and structural independence that is roughly balanced in political and economic power. The third pattern: antagonistic, conflicting and unequal pluralism. Unequal pluralism is mainly pursued in colonial societies and racist regimes; but some of its features can be seen precisely in societies that pursue egalitarian assimilation and pluralism. In such a society, the ruling state is in the hands of the dominant ethnic group and the majority of people are not citizens but subjects. In this ethnic policy, the goal is to maintain or expand inequality between groups, and to allocate all political power and a major share of material wealth to the dominant group. The presence of many ethnic groups in the Caucasus region has created problems and has exposed the region to conflict and tension because there is a serious division between these ethnic groups based on the policy of land division. Since its entry into the Caucasus, Russia has emerged as a hegemonic power and has taken effective measures towards its Russian system and model.

The findings of the present research show that the ethnic policies and Russification of the Caucasus region by the Russians are in line with the historical, geographical and cultural de-identification of the people of this region, making these ethnic groups dependent on the Russian government, curbing the influence of NATO and the United States in this region and energy security.

In this study, an attempt was made to study and analyze ethnic policies in Russia and its impact on the spread and development of extremism in the North Caucasus. Today's political map of the Caucasus and central Asia includes countries that are unstable due to real and potential disputes over land and water, ethnic and non-ethnic conflicts as well as Russian and non-Russian differences. The roots of these differences and unrest in the North Caucasus and Central Asia must be sought in the expansionist policies of Tsarist Russia and its successor, the Soviet Union, especially under Stalin, whose ideology was used with the same methods even more violently. The nationalist movement, revenge for the devastation and devastation caused by the aggressive and warlike policies of the Russians, has brought violence and extremism to the region.

Socio-political analysis of recent environmental movementsAbstractRecent environmental movements have been involved in politics since the 1980s in order to counter the threats posed by environmental degradation and to take direct action to protect the environment andfrom the very beginning, they tried to influence the environmental policies of the governments by using peaceful and non-peaceful methods in the form of interest groups and green parties, and the governments reciprocally tried to use the capacity of environmental movements to guide and direct public opinion in order to protect their interests.This study seeks to answer the question, how can recent environmental movements be analyzed in the context of political sociology? Therefore, the present study examines the case study of late environmental movements based on Robert Dahl's theory of political pluralism from the perspective of political sociology with a qualitative and interpretive method. Research findings show that recent environmental movements using democratic methods, in the form of interest groups and green parties, can pose serious challenges to political governance and influence and direct the policies of governments to improve the environment.In contrast, governments seek to use their capacity for political and social purposes by recognizing and strengthening environmental movements. As a result, a two-way relationship has developed between governments and recent environmental movements in which both parties enter into power relations with each other using their own methods and tools.Keywords: Political Sociology, Recent Environmental Movements, Government, Pluralism.

To challenge the promises in the discourses, a critical group called postmodernism is mentioned. With an epistemological approach, this practice distanced itself from modernity and presented a new worldview for mankind. Therefore, dealing with this school is not because of the introduction of a new plan, but against any centralism, value hierarchy and dualistic logic of identity. This article seeks to review the theory of postmodernism, especially from the point of view of socialists, and evaluate its strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats, and the most important criticisms made on it through the review and review of studies. The method of conducting this research is descriptive-analytical, and the method of collecting information is in the form of a library, with special emphasis on books and first-hand written sources, articles published in reputable publications, and new researches. The results of this research show that the socialists are against some issues such as; Prioritizing society's issues, atomizing people, opposing relativism, and being subjective have fundamental disagreements with postmodernist ideas

Paying attention to diversity, creating educational equality and respecting different cultures is important for intercultural awareness. The purpose of this study is to determine the basic components of a multicultural curriculum from the perspective of experts in the field of multiculturalism. The research method is a combination of directional content analysis and survey. This research has two statistical communities, the first of which includes 243 Persian and Latin works in the period of 1380 to 1397 and 2003 to 2017 in the field of multicultural curriculum and the second of domestic specialists with at least one work in the field of multicultural education. Purposeful sampling method was selected from the criterion type of 100 scientific works and 20 internal specialists. The data collection tool was a content analysis checklist and a researcher-made questionnaire. The data were calculated based on the Tiglar agreement coefficient. Findings showed that out of 153 components studied, 37 components were identified as the basic components of a multicultural curriculum.

The main purpose of this article is to explain the place of freedom in the political philosophy of Isaiah Berlin. The main question of the article is what is the place of freedom in the political philosophy of Isaiah Berlin? In response to this hypothesis, it has been suggested that in Isaiah Berlin's political philosophy, freedom is the most important component in countering tyranny. The results of the present article show that due to the existence of tyranny in different societies, especially in the third world, different masses must use different tools to achieve freedom in order to eliminate tyranny. In fact, from Berlin's point of view, freedom is the main obstacle to tyranny. The type of research method in this article is fundamental in terms of purpose and analytical in nature and based on library studies.

The history of International Relations (IR) as a discipline has been characterized by periods of more or less —but never absolute—theoretical agreement or rather “theoretical tranquility” and the periods characterized by theoretical debates representing deep gaps within the discipline. Yet what we can see in all these periods is the continuation of the plurality of theories. Even when there was no debate, consensus was not attained nor could significant theories of the time be ignored. At present, the discipline is still theoretically plural and the theories differ in meta-theoretical terms leading to various explanations and conceptualizations of the international. There are now at least eight or nine major theoretical approaches including realism, liberalism, the English school, Marxism, critical theory, feminism, postmodernism, constructivism, and sometimes, green theory within the discipline. All of these have internal divisions; hence even categorizing them in one single approach may become problematic. The question here is how this theoretical plurality can become a strong point for the discipline. According to Ree (2014), there have been five strategies in dealing with plurality in the discipline: zero-sum approach with an emphasis on the correctness of one’s approach and absolute denial of others —practically not fully followed by IR scholars, inviting all to compromise while insisting on the correctness of one’s approach, representing one’s approach as a middle-ground and, hence, more correct, “regrounding” the discipline through developing a framework for maintaining plurality, and finally celebrating plurality.
Here on the basis of the fourth, and specifically the fifth strategy, I show how plurality is inevitable and it can even be considered to be an important value. First of all, none of the existing IR theories can fully respond to —even fundamental—questions in the discipline as even their most insistent proponents admit that their theories are not flawless or complete. Thus, no single approach can be seen as privileged. Secondly, none of the theoretical approaches is dominant in the field. Many studies in recent decades have demonstrated this. My main argument here is that the plurality of theories is a fact, and that from various points of view it can be seen as favorable —or at least harmless— as far as individual scholars’ concerns, accumulation of knowledge, and policy/objective needs are concerned. Individual scholars normally see their own theoretical stance persuasive. They may have a major claim about the explanation of an important dimension of international life or see their work as complementary to the existing literature but rarely anyone claims that his/her theoretical stance explains everything in international relations. Scientific modesty is an agreed upon value in IR.
Positivists see the value of plurality within the limits of “scientific standards” that should be applicable to all. Yet, as scientific/naturalist approach is not recognized as the only or even the privileged one, it may easily lead to unjustified de-legitimization and marginalization of certain theoretical endeavors. Furthermore, as far as substantive aspects of theorization are concerned, considering complexity of international life and the fact that causal relations are not necessarily uni-directional, under-determination and over-determination are pervasive. Even positivists do not deny that reaching a single paradigm is impossible. At the same time, the way out of this dilemma is certainly not a model in which all identifiable variables are included, as such a schema cannot go beyond an analytical model which is neither parsimonious nor falsifiable and may lack consistency. As far as post-positivists and interpretivists are concerned, plurality is itself a justified value. 
One of the reasons of skepticism about theoretical plurality is practical and policy concerns. If knowledge is to be a useful instrument and be applicable in decision making, it should be “problem solving”. Yet it is most often theoretically inspired research that can be helpful in practice or policy, and one may easily show that studies based on specific theories including explanatory and constitutive one —and even most radical approaches such as post-structuralism— can shed some light on certain aspects of international life, and thus help decision-makers understand it better. Of course, as far as critical approaches are concerned, their applicability is not necessarily for states —especially great and dominant powers— but the forces that seek radical changes. Thus, dependent upon type of theory and the questions asked, theories and theory-based studies can serve various international actors in practice.
This article sees theoretical plurality as plurality of lenses or spotlights that concentrate on specific dimensions of international life and argues for a dialogical approach in which this plurality is recognized at both theoretical and meta-theoretical levels, it is valued as an expression of various experiences of the world and the knowledge produced on the basis of that reflects those experiences, and “truth” —even if partial— is seen as being attainable through dialogue. Such an approach to plurality can, on the one hand, justify plurality without relativism or exclusion of any particular theory and, on the other hand, can pave the way for the inclusion of non-Western theories in the discipline.

There are different patterns in the management of ethnically diverse communities. One of these patterns is ethnic pluralism. According to the principles of this model, all ethnicities, with their cultural assets, including "norms, values, traditions, and customs", benefit from the truth. Therefore, steps must be taken to preserve, and even promote them. According to the ideology of all kinds of governments and nation-states, this model can be defined as a constructive and destructive model. The main question of this research is: is this model in conflict with or compatible with the ideological foundations of the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The results of the study are as follows: The principle of diversity in societies, including ethnic diversity, is accepted by reason and religion, and Islam, at this level, does not oppose ethnic pluralism. And, except in some special cases, there is no contrasting approach to many ethnic traditions. But a pluralistic view can lead to the formation, or strengthening, of ethnic prejudices, whereas ethnic prejudice has no rational or religious significance. "Non-valuation of ethnic culture", "Vicious regrets of pluralism", "Negation of ethnic superiority in pluralism with Islam", and "Difference of Islamic idealistic society with ethnic pluralistic idealism" are other opposing views of this view with rational and It is religious.

National unity has been highlighted in the discourse of the Islamic Revolution, as well as the functional and legal structure of the Islamic Republic. However, considering the political and cultural dynamics of the Iranian society, it seems very necessary to explain the theoretical model of national unity in the discourse of the Islamic Revolution. On the other hand, it seems that explaining the components of national unity and related political requirements in general and political sphere of society has been associated with difficulties, mainly due to reductionism in the category of national unity and providing narrow definitions of this concept despite ethnic pluralism. , Has been cultural and religious. Accordingly, the main question of this article is that; What are the theoretical components of national unity in the discourse of the Islamic Revolution, and based on this, what is the approach of the political discourses of the governments to the issue of national unity? To answer the question, library data collection and descriptive-explanatory methods have been used to analyze the data. The main research hypothesis is presented as follows; "The roots of identity national unity in the discourse of the Islamic Revolution are based on the three networks of Iranian identity and patriotic norms, which are institutionalized within the framework of the principles of good Islamic governance and constitutional and civil rights. This theoretical model has three components; "Denial of the pattern of cultural unification is the principle of justice-oriented cultural convergence and the central concept of returning to oneself."

Throughout history, human beings have been confronted with various divine and non-divine religions, and today, due to the wide range of connections, this diversity of religions has received more attention. There are different approaches to the plurality of religions, one of which is pluralism. The present study examines and critiques religious pluralism from the perspective of Mohammad Shahrour; Religious pluralism means that the great religions of the world constitute changing perceptions and reactions of the divine truth. By referring to Shahrour's writings, his views and arguments in the discussion of religious pluralism are explained and evaluated on the basis of Islamic doctrinal principles. Their sentence is quoting verses from the Quran. Shahrour considers Islam as an innate religion and considers all human beings (including the followers of Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) and others) as Muslims. He introduces the pillars for Islam, adherence to which leads to entering the circle of Islam and enjoying Islamic rights; however, by contemplating the verses of the Qur'an and referring to their interpretation, his misunderstanding of the verses is clarified and the invalidity of his view is proved.

The purpose of this study is to examine the approach of the Iranian legislature to religious diversity and the rights of religious minorities, specifically in the realm of substantive criminal law that reflects the rights and freedoms of individuals. To this end, we will explore the "Fegh" based theories, deeds of muslim leaders (Imams) and criminal law itself. Accordingly, as we will see, in spite of strong intellectual foundations in relation to religious Tolerance and acceptance of the rights of different religions , the legislature merely adheres to some popular theories or cites some common interpretations that discriminate between  Muslim and non -Muslim offenders.  In this article we argue that current state of criminal law toward religious minorities is not fair and as we  show there are  other  fair and equal basis in Islamic Theories which  endorse  non discriminate legislation toward non-Muslims.

 In many pluralistic societies such as Iran, the issue of distribution of power and local governance as one of the important indicators of political development and good governance is of great importance. Historical experience shows us that inaccuracies in the proper distribution of power can be a good platform for centrifugal movements or authoritarian centralism. Since the beginning of the constitutional movement in Iran, the issue of power distribution and local governance has been considered by constitutionalists and later Republicans. Given the importance of this issue, the present article seeks to find out how the mechanism of power distribution is regulated and realized by paying attention to local governance in the constitution and subsequent ordinary laws as well as in practice. Our hypothesis in this article, which is confirmed by the following evidence, is that the crisis in the Qajar patrimonialistic system paves the way for the move towards decentralization, but the international and national situation increased the need of the monopoly control of power sources by the centralized Pahlavi government, and the issue of local governance and distribution of power wasn’t considered in practice. This article shows that the fluctuation between the concentration and distribution of power in the period under review indicates a duality of attitude towards political development among Iran's political elites; Development means the expansion of competition and political participation of social forces or development means increasing the power, potentiality and efficiency of government.

One of the most influential indicators in policy making in the northwestern region is to estimate the status of the interaction of sovereignty with the ethnic groups in the region. This interaction crystallizes in the form of ethnic politics. Ethnic policies can affect the various dimensions of security-especially its social dimension-dealing with identity issues. Therefore, the researchers' concern was placed on a scholarly study of the ethnic of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the northwestern region. In this research, the researchers are seeking to answer the question of what has been the ethnic policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the North West region during the last decade? The research hypothesis is also stated that: "Ethnic policies adopted in the northwest region of unity have been multiplied. To answer the research question and its hypotheses, a questionnaire consisting of 19 questions was provided by experts using library resources and case-based methodology. The statistical population of this study was 200 of the officials and experts of security and politics based in the northwest region. Using Cochran formula, 131 of them were selected as the sample size. Finally, after collecting and analyzing information, it became clear that the policy adopted in the northwest region of the of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards the people of Kurdish politics was unity in plurality with a tendency towards pluralism

In Western political philosophy, the concept of "judgment" is considered as a "right", Which is related to civil status. In Kant's view, civil status basically is means Argument and competition between "judging the people" and "rulers" with each other. Citizens through this right and autonomously, Apply some kind of desirable judgment in civil life. At the same time, the concept of Judgment had another fate: it sought to find an answer to this question of whether "our perceptions of things" should be subject to fixed patterns and pre-established standards, or each citizen makes his or her own judgment? Hannah Arendt and Martha Nussbaum are among the philosophers who have begun a philosophical and political confrontation with the concept of judgment. Influenced by the Aristotelian concept of "phronesis" and its function in specific and changing circumstances, these two thinkers try to offer a pluralistic conception of political judgment, which seeks to establish a good and Eudaemonist life based on a political / normative reading. In this article, in a comparative study, we have tried to evaluate the relationship between judgment and pluralism in the thought of those two philosophers. On the other hand, we express the commonalities and differences between these two philosophers in the field of political judgment.

The ruling political system in Iraq during the four decades of the Ba'ath party's rule was a one-party military that was replaced by the federal military in 2004 after its overthrow. The subject of this dissertation is the challenges of the Iraqi one-party system for federalism .And the hypothesis is that the rule of Iraq's one-party system for decades has led to the suppression of civil institutions and the experience of party activity in that country. It has created obstacles and challenges for the realization of federalism To test the hypothesis, Huntington's and Blandell's theories are the theoretical basis for research .Based on this, scientific documents and texts have been reviewed and interviewed with individuals and experts in this field. The results suggest that one-party systems are in conflict with federalism in terms of substance, form, and practice. The focus is on the party and the leadership, the lack of freedom of the security parties, the fictitious trust of the tribes and the establishment of groups in unusual and critical conditions is the official form of power and the culmination of which is personalization the party's leadership is one of the hallmarks of Iraq's one-party system, which is the opposite of federalism and in this regard, negotiations and confrontation (stick and carrot policy) continued from the beginning of the party's life until the fall, the effects of which are more or less observed after the fall of the party. It can be argued that a series of events following the fall of the party, such as the formation of the Transitional Government Council, the conflict and the revolts of the tribes, the formation of the Awakening Councils, the formation and strengthening of ISIL, and the subsequent establishment of the popular mobilization and political tensions over the formation of parliament and government in recent years have not been without their roots in the Ba'athist one-party system.

The spread of unconventional behavior and international rules by governments as key players in international law and the politicization of the United Nations, especially the Security Council and other international organizations, has jeopardized world peace. Endless conflicts in the Middle East, the arms race between the great world powers, the genocide of Bosnian Muslims, Rohingya and Uighurs in China, repeated crimes against humanity in Africa, widespread environmental degradation, and growing violence against minorities. Ethnic and religious discrimination, Endless conflicts in the Middle East, the arms race between the great world powers, the genocide of Bosnian Muslims, Rohingya and Uighurs in China, repeated crimes against humanity in Africa, widespread environmental degradation, and growing violence against minorities.gross and systematic violations of human rights in many countries of the world, unilateral sanctions, etc. are evidence of the ineffectiveness of Westphalian international law. So; Can civil society play a role in international law, get out of the current situation and adjust and control the deviation of states from the rules and laws of international law?

This study examines the internal causes of the Syrian crisis from the perspective of the development of ethnic and religious relationships in the country. the research question is: how the Syrian government's ethnic-religious policies have affected the ethnic-religious relations in this country, leading to the current crisis. This research covers the period beginning from the collapse of the Ottoman Empire until 2018. The research method is historical and its theoretical framework is the "Ethnic Policy Patterns" presented by Martin Marger. According to this framework, the Syrian government's ethnic-religious policy during the French mandate was “unequal pluralism” aimed at further accentuating the differences between the ethnic-religious minorities and the Syrian Sunni Arabs majority in order hinder Syrian independence championed by Sunni Arabs nationalists. Ethnic-religious policies of the governments during the period of independence were also based on cultural and structural “assimilation” in favor of the Sunni Arab majority. the kurds became subject to expulsion and extermination both physically and culturally. The “unequal pluralism” policy of the French guardian government and the “assimilation” policy of the independent era, despite their different goals, have moved in the same direction, and had the same results. The profound cultural and structural effects of these policies have created a continual sense of suspicion, distrust, and feeling of danger among ethnic-religious groups. This has led to the continuation and intensification of ethnic-religious disputes and conflicts in the country that ultimately brought about the current crisis and the ongoing full-scale war.