جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « جغرافیای سیاسی » در نشریات گروه « جغرافیا »

According to the literature of new regionalism, we should make a scientific distinction between region and geographical width. Here, we define the region as a group of countries that have a more or less explicit common political project, pursue a single goal in the global arena, and show common regional behavioral patterns. In the new literature of regionalism, the geographical or even economic dimensions are weakened, and instead, functions such as the degree of political development, the nature and performance of political economy, and regional coalition building become important in the establishment and recognition of geographic regions. In this regard, the main question of the article is that considering the new theoretical developments in the dimension of neo-regionalism, can West Asia still be defined as a "geographical region"? The hypothesis of the article with analytical and explanatory methods, according to the transition of new regionalism theories from only geographical, ecological and even economic criteria in the establishment of regions, depends on the realization of the first and fundamental assumptions of the establishment and survival of the geographical counterpart in West Asia. Factors such as hierarchization, regional coalition building, establishment of internal security complex, competitive political economy building and revision of institutional structures are known.

Accurate and scientific definition of terms and vocabulary is one of the important of subjects various scientific fields. Therefore, the enrichment of vocabulary and the principled and correct use of words and terms, as well as the precise application of these concepts and their definitions in writing books and articles and other research fields, are important necessities. Especially in humanities and its sub-fields, conceptualization of vocabulary and implementation of concepts in their own place are among the duties of experts and researchers in these fields. Among the various fields of humanities, the fields of political science, international relations, political geography and geopolitics have commonalities in the topics discussed, in methodology, regional studies, etc., but it is certain that these two sciences are not the same and In philosophy, ontology, nature and epistemology are different from each other.One of the important concepts that has not been theorized well in humanities studies, especially in political sciences and political geography of Iran, is the concept of international order and world order. Various views and opinions about these two concepts have been presented by the authors of these disciplines , especially among researchers., it has been tried to discuss their differences and commonalities.The research is of developmental-comparative nature and its method is descriptive-analytical, information collection was done in the form of library (books, articles) and inferential analysis.The findings of the article indicate that from a philosophical point of view, the concept of the world order is different from the international order, while the world order, with a geopolitical approach, talks about the relations between powers. But the international order refers to the relations between countries or nation-states. Of course, besides the differences, the international order and the world order have common points from the point of view of economic, political, etc. goals.

The concept of governmentality was first proposed by Michel Foucault in 1978; it involves studying techniques, processes, and approaches in which governments control all aspects of citizens' lives. In the context of this cognitive approach, socio-political discourse creates the political dimension of space at a certain point in history. In this regard, one of the important themes in the concept of governmentality framework is understanding how governance discourses' role constructs the nationalism components. In other words, nationalism can be reconstructed at any point in time by historical political discourses. In fact, national identity construction is a discourse process product; more precisely, it is part of discourse conflicts. Thus, national identity is not merely a natural aspect but an artificial phenomenon created over time by political power. So, it is established as a collective memory and has the potential for disintegrating. Thus, in defining Iranian identity, different governments, according to their attitudes, have highlighted and emphasized one or more elements of Iranian identity. This study seeks to represent the elements of nationalism discourse in the political sovereignty functioning for the construction of the political geography of Iran in the first Pahlavi era.  

This article has attempted to rely on interpretive methods and use the theoretical theme of discourse governmentality to explain how to build a national identity in the first Pahlavi era and its consequences in the political geography of Iran. In this regard, in the first stage, the concept of nationalism was defined in the framework of Foucault's view based on theoretical documents.

Discourse analysis of national identity construction indicates that national identity construction in the first Pahlavi era was organized based on the ancient Iranian nationalism discourse for the solidarity of ethnic groups and social classes. In other words, this discourse highlighted ancient Iran's history of seeking to arouse patriotic motives in different tribes and ethnicities. In this regard, promoting historical buildings, naming many places and public symbols based on the names of ancient Iran, allocating financial resources to discover ancient monuments, establishing institutions such as historical museums, and inserting symbols of Zoroastrianism and the ancient kingdoms of Iran in the buildings of this period by the government paved the way for the further development of Iranian identity in the light of the ancient monarchy. At the same time, part of nationalism articulation was based on the relationship made against "other" concerning geopolitical conflict components. From the middle of the eighteenth century and during the nineteenth century, with the emergence of British and Russian colonial rivalries in Southwest Asia and its destructive effect on the independence and territorial integrity of Iran, the creation of national solidarity discourses in Iran was based on the conflict with these hostile empires. Thus, in the first Pahlavi period, the discourse of becoming an undisputed military power became one of the cohesive tools of national identity. In fact, this reading of nationalism differs from its conceptual context in the Western tradition and is linked to independence and anti-colonialism as a ruling discourse. Hence, suspicion of colonial powers in the first Pahlavi era was used to form a large army to counter foreign conspiracies and build national solidarity. This discourse for building national identity was often used, reading ancient Iran's historical myths, texts, and inscriptions to confirm the righteous king's characteristics. Iran's inhabitants have been heterogeneous groups of different racial, linguistic, and religious ethnicities. Especially with the emergence of nationalism and nation-state thought after the first Pahlavi, the issue of coexistence and how to manage ethnic diversity politically became important. Political thought in Iran historically has used the concept of a charismatic king to solve this problem. In this view, the basis of the monarchy's legitimacy is the king's spiritual relationship with God and the only factor that can shape spatial justice.From another point of view, charismatic leadership was the only factor that could establish spatial justice between different ethnic groups and social classes. The first Pahlavi tried to use this discourse to create a spatial adaptation of the nation and territory and to stabilize the construction of Iran's political geography. In the Pahlavi era, nationalism was defined primarily as centered around the charismatic leadership of the Shah. In other words, the exclusive function of the charismatic leader was introduced as one of the essential factors of national solidarity in this period. This issue was reflected in Shah's preference for the homeland in the slogan "God, King, Homeland." This notion gave such legitimacy to political power that introduced it as the only factor in creating national solidarity, and any political competition with him was considered illegitimate.

Before the modern government, in the political view of landowners and tribal leaders of Iran, there was not much familiarity with a human structure called the nation. Also, in this period, due to a lack of political parties and civil institutions independent from the ruling monarchy, the government found an increasing place to construct a national identity. In this regard, the narrative of ancient Iran became the discourse of the government to build the national identity. Furthermore, in this discourse, part of the need for social solidarity is met by explaining the unique role of charismatic political leaders. This discourse justifies the charismatic king's authoritarianism to provide political legitimacy for building national identity in Iran's political geography. In this regard, in the first Pahlavi era, measures were taken to achieve this goal, such as the disarmament of nomads, promotion of national education, compulsory military service, and uniformed clothing. In the first Pahlavi discourse, hereditary monarchy, the idea of divine selection of kings, and the protection of borders and alienation from geopolitical enemies became the basis of Iranian identity.

Social sciences are basically "functional" and "problem-solving" in nature, and conducted theoretical studies in this field are not their main goal but their application to social life. Geography, as a component of social, empirical and validity sciences, is also a functional science and has a problem-solving nature. Accordingly, in geography as well as political geography we are confronted with "descriptive" and "recommendation-validity" statements.  Some philosophers and scholars know only descriptive statements because they are directly referred to real concepts consider them as meaningful and scientific terms and statements, and consider recommendation / validity statements as not scientific that contain valuable content and prescriptive guidelines because they are not realistic or objective and lack the characteristics of proof or falsifiability on the one hand. Clearly, according to this view if we evaluate the concept and content of geography and political geography, which is simultaneously full of descriptive and prescriptive statement, certainly we can conclude that the concept of geography and political geography is a meaningless concept. In that case, any relationship between "man and the environment" or "politics and geography" is logically unjustifiable and no knowledge would have any meaning in the name of geography and political geography. The kind of theory adopted in this regard is directly related to the scientific and non-scientific nature and structure of a discipline and is very important.

The present research, due to its philosophical and logical nature, is classified under the theoretical and fundamental research. This research is based on a descriptive-analytical (logical) method and the topics and contents of this collection are documentary and library type.

If geography and political geography claim to have the characteristics of scientific knowledge, then it is expected that the structure of its statements will be clearly referred to the chr('39')objective and real worldchr('39'). In the present paper, on the basis of "Islamic epistemology" using "logical methods" such as "Syllogistic necessity" and "Other Syllogistic necessity" as well as using "true and valid perceptions" we have clarified that a "real, external, logical, and rational" relationship was found between descriptive and essay prescriptive/ validity propositions. Accordingly, although geographical prescriptive statements are valid statements, prescriptive statements in geography and political geography are the same as rational validity statements. The origin of statements of rational validity is the external reality. These concepts are called philosophical concepts (second order philosophical concepts) that are referred to objectivity and are external in acceptance. In addition, statements that are dos and don’ts with value concepts (prescriptive / recommendation) in geography, though considered to be primarily validity statements, are all of second order philosophical concepts and not only are the source of external abstraction, but of the type of "Descriptive" statements, indicating the real relationship between "actions" and their "results." And the basic meaning of these terms is the expression of the causality relationship. So, it is possible to discuss and deliberate about them and give reasons and arguments for them. In this way, it is possible to justify the ratio and relation of descriptive and prescriptive statements to political geography and geopolitics, and the scientific nature of political geography can be easily confirmed. According to the above, it can be concluded that all legal and ethical propositions are of the same kind as philosophical concepts (rational validity) and can be evaluated and judged as true statements (objective-philosophical) and determines truth and falsehood.

By nature, geography and political geography can be considered scientifically validity, yet empirical, and fall into the general classification of the sciences as social, validity, and empirical. In the meantime, the validity of the social sciences, including geography, means "rational and philosophical" validity, which have an out-of-mind source i.e. reality, and are subjective to rational demonstration and reasoning, and scientific analysis because of their objective origin and interference with rationality in the emergence. In addition to descriptive statements, recommended statements in geography are not only rational (second order philosophical concepts) and true and false, but also indicate the relationship between beings and the structure of geographical statements (descriptive and prescriptive / validity) are interchangeable and clearly referred to as the "objective and real world" and, accordingly, geography and consequently political geography is considered as objective science.

Sport organizes and enhances the morale of players and spectators and is an integral part of human life. Sport is influenced by the politics and decisions of political actors and also affects politics at the local, national, regional and international levels, so it is necessary to address it from the perspective of political geography and examine the effective dimensions of sport in both space and politics. And contract analysis. There are constant links between sport, athlete, spectator, place and politics. The FIFA World Cup is a showcase of action and reaction between powers, countries and schools on a national, regional and international scale. When a national football team succeeds in navigating or winning a tournament, political actors use that victory to increase power, win elections, arouse the nation's sentiment, and increase internal solidarity. This research is theoretical in terms of basic purpose and descriptive-analytical method. The findings are provided by referring to library sources (Internet, books, etc.) and 96 cases of overlapping concepts of political geography and the World Cup using the method. Hermonetics has been discovered and identified from scientific documents and news. Findings show the main geopolitical concepts in the World Cup including: countries, players, coaches, spectators, sports media and political actors in national and international dimensions with the concepts of war, peace, patriotism, identity Divergent and convergent forces are geopolitical, geopolitical tensions and isolation. In the field of geopolitics, the concepts of World Cup, FIFA, football players, national team, hosting, match, group, competition for hosting, power, stadium, team tactics and football field with concepts of geopolitical field such as: world geopolitical system, UN, actors Geopolitics, country, geopolitical weight promotion, geopolitical competition, geopolitical region, geopolitical competition, power, geographical space, geopolitical strategy and geopolitical competition space correspond.

Political geography and internationalization of higher education has become a necessary strategy for governments on the one hand in order to properly face the phenomenon of globalization and on the other hand due to its benefits in political, economic, cultural-social and scientific dimensions. . The purpose of this research is to evaluate the role of the higher education system of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the political geography and internationalization of science in the Islamic Republic. In terms of orientation, this research is based on conceptualization and with a qualitative approach and scientific and operational theoretical coding in the higher education system. In order to collect data from the descriptive-analytical method, using the analysis of the data collected in the library method. Finally, a summary of the results showed; The diversity of educational groups from scientific conditions, the anomalies of scientific institutions and the selective view of policymakers are among the interfering conditions of Iran's higher education system in different geographical regions of Iran, which lead to the creation of an evidence-based monitoring system in the policy-making process Existing weaknesses and threats are turned into potential opportunities.

Political geography is one of the branches of geography. The science of political geography is known as first degree knowledge and the philosophy of political geography is known as second degree knowledge. In this research, the philosophy of political geography from the approach of Islam has been studied. Therefore, assuming that, first, Islam has a defensible theoretical basis in all political and social fields, and secondly, such a research has been done due to the gap in the field of philosophy of political geography from the perspective of Islamic thought. Accordingly, while referring to Islamic texts and sources, including the Holy Quran, narrative sources, texts of political and historical jurisprudence, as well as the works of Muslim thinkers in this regard, the necessary formulation with reasoned content of Islamic political geography has been compiled. The present study is a descriptive-analytical method, especially content analysis, and the results show that Islamic thought in the field of social sciences, and especially in the field of political geography, is based on an approach called the approach of revelatory rationality.

Much of the process of developing political geography has been influenced by theories proposed by global thinkers over the past two centuries. The classical theories of political geography have been proposed mainly with the focus on the state and its constituent components. However, modern and postmodern theories of political geography, although they still pay special attention to the state and the national/country scale, but they do not reflect this centrality as a unit. Therefore, with the help of the geographical scale problem, it expands the scope of political geography from the micro level to the global level with wider issues.

Our main purpose in this applied and theoretical research is to study the role of the United States in the theories of political geography of the three classical, modern and postmodern periods, from the dawn of the twentieth century to It is now. An examination of 14 theories by political geography theorists shows that each thinker seeks to represent in some way the role of the United States and its rise and fall in the world order to the rulers of their own country or to the world. These fourteen theories are: Turner's frontier hypothesis, the influence of central authority on the landscape (Whittlesey), the political cycle of state (Valkenburg), the geographical understanding of political survival (Hartshorne), the geographical model of political systems analysis (Cohen and Resonant), Theories of the world system, the center-periphery model and the theory of the decline of American power (Wallerstein), the triple theory of modernity (Peter Taylor), the theory of the political geography of the world order (John René Short), the theory of distance and foreign policy (Henrikson), the theory of modern nation-building (Fukuyama) and the theory of social movement in political geography (Michael Brown).

The United States has played a prominent role in the thought process of prominent American and non-American theorists, and in this article, we have examined the role of the United States in the theories of political geography from the beginning of the 20th century until now. The results of the research show that in the theories of the three periods of classical, modern and post-modern geopolitics, the United States has played the largest role among all countries in the world, and in fact theorizing in political geography is not possible without considering the role of the United States.

The classical theories of political geography that have been proposed with the focus of the state, including hypothesis of the frontier, the impact of the central authority on the perspective and political cycle of nation, have focused on the "state" and the national scale, as the main actor of the international system. In these theories, the United States has been attractive to these theorists as a country that has represented hegemony in the future world order. In addition, the nationality of the classic political geography theorists discussed in the article (Turner, Whittlesey, and Valkenburg), who are all Americans, has played a key role in focusing these theories on the United States and its representation.After that, the modern theories of political geography, which is a product of the Cold War era, also started with theories focusing on the national scale, and Hartshorne illustrated the geographical position of the United States in the world order. This level of scale in theorizing continued with the theory of Cohen and Rosental, and they placed the United States as one of the main countries at the end of the open spectrum of the world's national political systems. But the focus on state-centric in modern theorizing gradually faded, and the theories of American Taylor and Wallerstein, presented at the end of the Cold War, found a wider scale and ranged from the local to the global level. Of course, this did not prevent these theorists from emphasizing the national interests of their country, and they always depicted the hegemonic role of the United States in the world order in their theories. In postmodern theories; This progress in the scalability of theories continued with the theory of triple of modernity, and the United States was introduced as the representative of the third round of modernity and depicted as the third hegemon. These levels of postmodern analysis continued in political geography with the work of John René Short, Henrikson, and Fukuyama. However, the key role of the United States was maintained with regard to the American nationality or the countries aligned with those theorists on the one hand and maintaining the global power of this country on the other hand.

Modern governments, unlike traditional governments, have the exclusive instrument of violence through the bureaucracy and the rule of law. From a historical point of view, powerful political leadership performance in Iran has been one of the important factors in building modern government during first Pahlavi period. Numerous views have been put forward about the reasons for powerful and military leadership formation in the first Pahlavi era. Some of its contexts are related to the first Pahlavi individual behaviors and others refer to the socio-economic structures of the previous period. However, from political geography perspective; governance characteristics and modern state formation has emerged in a specific time-space context that has been less studied in Iran. In this article, relying on descriptive-analytical method has been attempted to study how to promote the powerful leadership position in the first Pahlavi era (1921 - 1940) in building a modern government in Iran as a result of natural and human components function. Findings show that natural and climatic conditions acted in such a way that it was not possible to form independent social classes at the time of first Pahlavi emergence and production forces; They were concentrated in the ownership of political power. Ethnic and linguistic diversity also enabled powerful political-military leaders to create a common identity between different ethnic groups.

Security challenges in West Asia have been defined by the significant deterioration of the security structure since 2003. Political and security developments following a political and security vacuum, along with a shift in the balance of power in the region, h. In many cases, security challenges have been maintained by trans-regional powers. The biggest and longest recent intervention in the Bishkek region has been the US intervention in Iraq since the overthrow of Saddam Hussein, and most recently the presence of the US coalition in Syria. In both cases, the security regime did not guarantee the security of the region and the security dilemma became more complicated ... Also, the realistic approach and the military view have not been able to provide an answer to the security crisis. The best and clearest explanation of this can be seen in the military interventions in Iraq and Syria, which not only did not lead to long-term stability, but also opened up new tensions and practically turned them into fragmented countries. On the other hand, supra-regional powers in the field of military affairs have tried to secure their arms market among the Taliban, which has always been in the region. In realist discourse, the hypothesis that a state's security problem will be solved by maximizing military power is faced with the problem that not all countries can grow equally, and if one country's security is provided to the detriment of another, the result is It will have no security except crisis.

The identities of any society are influenced by the political, economic, cultural and social conditions of that society. Despite the existence of common elements between identities and their construction, the identity of the Islamic Revolution has a different approach due to its religious and Islamic principles. In this regard, the present study seeks to examine the consolidating elements of national identity from the perspective of Imam Khomeini's thought. Therefore, the research question is what are the characteristics of the elements that shape the discourse of the Islamic Revolution from Imam Khomeini's point of view? They are not places and they conquered territories. This approach can be a basis for regionalization and globalization of the idea of identity desired by Imam Khomeini (ra), which causes the fattening of national identity and its support outside the territorial borders of Iran. At the forefront of these concepts is the universal umbrella of the "Islamic Ummah" as a fundamental principle. The method that has been used to study these cases is the descriptive-analytical method and citing library sources, views and statements of Imam Khomeini.

In today's world, "cities" are the main focus of events, actions and reactions, and all kinds of relationships, economic, political, cultural, social, and physical relations. Political geographers focus more on the political dimension of urban space, citizens, local government, urban economics, and major cities / world cities. But how the phenomenon of the city is studied from the point of view of the political geographers is a question that the present article deals with analyzing the theories and views of two of the most prominent geographers of politics. The results of this research by descriptive-analytical method show that the phenomenon of the city is studied by political geographers with emphasis on the triple axis of space, politics and economics. For example, according to John Rene Shorth, rather than pointing out a pattern of competition between the world of cities for global domination, it is more accurate to look at a network of cities in which control and economic domination only In a few cities is focused. Also, Peter Taylor prefers to take global cities in line with the fluidity of power between the world's cities and how they interact with both the scale of ideology (government) and the scale of reality (global economy) within the global system. Holistic. Therefore, the city as a modern phenomenon represents the position and role of nation-states in the development of economic and political interactions and relations. Today, by designing new patterns and working strategies for organizing urban space and increasing the political and strategic role of cities, cities have become the focus of studies in political geography.

Methodology:

This research is of fundamental and theoretical type and the method of information analysis is also descriptive-analytic based on qualitative methodology. The method of data collection is documentary and library. In this regard, in order to arrive at a clear and consistent conclusion based on rational deduction, it attempts to explain the political geography of the city, especially from the point of view of the famous two political geographers, René Short and Taylor. Therefore, this research, by applying the main variables, such as the phenomenon of city, globalization and politics, seeks to achieve a generalized conclusion about urban geography.

Result and discussion:

1- The city is a social and spatial unit in which politics and power are closely linked. In fact, urban and urban collections are the realm of public policy 2- World cities are the connecting points that act as monitoring centers. This oversight of the cluster is dependent on the flow of information and finances and the cultural flow. In addition, world cities are considered as the interface between local and global space3- From the viewpoint of geographers, humans played a significant role in creating a city and its urbanization. From the mid-1960s until the mid-1970s (the period of political geopolitical retrieval), with the spatial-political approach, urban politics was one of the things that attracted the attention of political geographers (such as Richard Moire, Peter Tyler, John Rennes, and so on) They made But from the mid-1990s to the present day, specialized approaches such as urban political geography entered the field of geopolitics, and many geographers worked on providing expert opinions and opinions.4- Considering the importance of the city as a spatial-political phenomenon, it refers to the theory of two renowned political geographers, René Short and Taylor, about the city....5- John Renne Short states that despite the dispersion over the past thirty years, a large share of command functions is still concentrated in just a few cities, and also, instead of drawing a pattern of competition between the world of cities to dominate the world, More precisely, to focus on a network of cities in which economic moni- toring and domination are concentrated only in a few cities, the non-urban location is largely a reflection of poverty.6- Taylor believes that three global, national, and urban scales are important scales in which global economies are pivotal. . In general, the main attraction of Taylor's urban studies is that it overcomes this and will definitely put urban affairs into the development of the era of global capitalism.

 The philosophy of the "city" in the study of the geopolitical area is due to the interaction of "politics" and "space" in the spatial area of ​​the city, and this mechanism can be expressed in two aspects:1. The city's influence on national, local, regional and international policies.2. The impacts of political decisions of policymakers related to cities, including governmental and non-governmental institutions, on the urban environment. The city is a social and spatial unit in which politics and power are closely linked. In fact, the city and the urban complex; the realm of politics is public.Also, the city can be considered a set of interconnected economic, social and cultural factors, and related to politics and power.In the twenty-first century, cities are the focal points of global power; they control the events on a variety of geographic scales. In this regard, political geographers emphasize on issues such as: the political dimension of urban space, citizens, local government, the organization, and the urban economy and world cities. Taylor and René Short, as two of the most famous contemporary political geographers, have made important comments and analyzes of the city with an emphasis on globalization and economics. Cities are the bedrock of the formation of political and civil institutions, and an integral part of the process of modernization and socio-economic development; it is the main focus of events, actions, reactions, and types of economic, political, cultural, social and physical relations. They can.He states that despite the dispersion over the past thirty years, a large share of the command functions is still concentrated in just a few cities. Taylor believes that three global, national, and urban scales are important scales in which global economies are pivotal. . In general, the main attraction of Taylor's urban studies is that it overcomes this and will definitely put urban affairs into the development of the era of global capitalism.

The need for technological progress and the lack of socio-cultural development necessary to use this new technology is the basis for the destruction of the existing environment and the rate of its destruction is much more severe than the tolerance of the environment and it is hard to repair it. Therefore, it is necessary to pay serious attention to the issue of the environment. Considering that the first step to preserve the environment is to know it, in this research, the phenomenon of the environment and what it is is explained, The history, importance, principles, approaches and environmental crises are described. By presenting the relationship between the environment and some concepts of political geography, including international laws and policies, environmental security, environmental governance, government and the environment, power and the environment, efforts have been made not to recognize the environment as a phenomenon independent of other phenomena. And secondly, to reveal how some issues of political geography are affected by the environment.

Philosophical research in the study of political geography in Iran is very limited. Among the existing cases, we encounter a kind of theoretical confusion that results from a lack of sufficient scientific and philosophical accuracy. Therefore, this study seeks to address the critical philosophical geopolitical critique in the writings of Ó Tuathail and Dalby by pointing out the necessity of conducting philosophical research in the field of geography and enumerating some of the negative consequences of this fundamental neglect. The whole focus of critical geopolitics is on the field of epistemology; As if ontology could exist independently of ontology. As a result, it cannot offer a cognitive and theoretical approach to geography and erroneously pretends that science and objectivity are possible only in a positivist form. Ignoring the importance of ontology has made critical geopolitics unable to offer a liberating approach, contrary to its claims. This is why we encounter widespread confusion in the cognitive debates of Ó Tuathail and Dalby. The present study is a kind of fundamental-theoretical research that tries to answer the proposed questions by using the method of logical analysis and library resources. The alternative theoretical basis is derived from Bhaskar’s philosophy of science as critical realism.

Critical geopolitical ontology is a kind of human-centered, idealistic, and therefore subjectivist ontology that reduces the whole of reality to discourse and thus lacks a layered philosophical approach and cannot interact with the non-discourse and structural layers of reality and, more importantly, with reality. Explain discourse and non-discourse). Because of this flat ontology, critical geopolitics cannot discern the mental and objective layers of geopolitical reality and their dialectical relationship. As a result, theorizing is reduced to a mere critique that preoccupies the subject before recognizing the subject.

"Governance" is one of the basic concepts that has attracted the attention of geo-political scientists, and there are contradictory views on this concept, which is one of the main and fundamentally important foundations of the science of geopolitics. The rule of law over higher power and superiority imply that no other legal authority is superior to it. Since the study of sovereignty in political geography is very important, therefore, it is necessary to examine its dimensions and spatial levels. Political geography focuses on the study of phenomena, processes and political currents, and emphasizes their geographic and spatial effects. One of the most important studies in political geography is the study of the country. Each country is made up of three elements of "nation, rule and land".. The linking factor of these three elements is "sovereignty". In political theories, they regard the sovereignty of that government and do not attribute it to any government or government agency alone. At the same time, in no political theory, the notion of sovereignty is not absolute, and it is believed that sovereignty must be exercised within the constitutional framework and in accordance with the law. Land is the space of the state, which, with the spatial scope of the territory, determines the sovereignty of the state, and as the physical container, it includes the body of the political organization. The present article seeks to elaborate on the fact that "sovereignty has different dimensions and levels". The present research is of fundamental type and has been done by descriptive-analytical method. Data collection method is library and computer. Also, data analysis is also qualitative.

In political geography, sovereignty is the highest coercive power on a territorial scale which has been the creator of classical political, geographical views since the Westphalian period. However, since the 1980s, the function of Westphalian sovereignty in the production of geographical space has been criticized by poststructuralist geographers. A new wave of theories and approaches began that assumes power as a pervasive and pluralistic process at all societal levels. This research has been struggled to analyze the causes, contexts, and functions of the conceptual turn of political sovereignty and its function in the production of geographical space in poststructuralist political geography. In this regard, in the first step, geographical space and its dimensions and subdivisions are defined concerning the poststructuralist school. Then, by explaining how to reconstruct the concept of sovereignty in the poststructuralist school, a new perspective is presented concerning the conceptual consequences of governance in political geography.

Findings research shows that civil society is considered the main source of space production in poststructuralist political geography. In this regard, considering the same credibility for discourses and social forces opens the door to dialogue in management and organization of space. In this context, the multiplicity and difference of social forces in the governance process are recognized and emphasize the right to exist. By emphasizing the right to different exist; Participatory democracy emerges, and the transfer of power to smaller territorial units such as local governments is considered.

Carl Schmitt, a prominent German philosopher and jurist who had always been accused of supporting the Third Reich throughout his life, was acquitted at the Nuremberg Trials and lived in general isolation until 1985. But Schmitt's isolation never prevented him from writing and disseminating his ideas throughout the twentieth century. Schmitt is one of the great thinkers whose views and thoughts have influenced various thinkers over the past decades, such as Hannah Arendt, Jürgen Habermas, and Giorgio Agamben. When Schmitt wrote the book Empress, he made it clear that politics must be defined in terms of the distinction between friend and foe. Today, neoliberalism, which firmly believes in downsizing government and market forces to regulate social relations and land management, has led to major social conflicts within and geopolitical conflicts outside the borders of countries. Neoliberal policies, along with the post-Fordist economy, have created a situation in recent years that has widened social divisions within countries as well as on a global scale. The increase in these gaps in the social strata has caused internal crises in countries and on the other hand has involved many countries in widespread social protests. According to great thinkers such as Fukuyama, such social conflicts have led to the formation of reactive identities within countries. Many of the works and writings of political geographers today show the attention of prominent thinkers such as Claudio Minka and Anaji Scor who focused on Schmitt's political philosophy, and the formation of reactive identities in relation to politics and the distinction between friend and foe. They search for globalization and post-Fordist economics. The main question of the article is why Schmitt's political philosophy and especially the political category in relation to reactive identities are at the center of the world's political geographical discourses? 

Good urban governance emphasizes that neither capital, nor technology, nor even expertise is enough to manage urban affairs, but good management is the hallmark of an outgoing city with good management versus a city with poor management or an isolated city. The main move towards good urban governance will be to achieve an extroverted city. In an extroverted city, everyone deserves a constructive and positive participation in the opportunities available in the city, regardless of wealth, gender, religion, race or age. Good urban governance creates a kind of development in which the poor have priority, women's affairs improve, a sustainable environment is created, and employment opportunities and welfare factors emerge. Thus the concept of good governance and sustainable human development is inseparable. The purpose of good urban governance indicators is to measure the quality of urban management. The main question of the present article is that considering the role of good governance in the economic, social, cultural and political development of countries, from the point of view of the elites of the four cities (Zabol, Zahedan, Iranshahr, Chabahar), the province; Which of the characteristics of good governance should be given priority for the development of these cities and Sistan and Baluchestan province in general? The method of this article is descriptiveanalytical. Findings show that the development of underdevelopment and elimination of deprivation in Sistan and Baluchestan province needs to explain a comprehensive model of good governance and its implementation in Sistan and Baluchestan province in a leading study with regard to social, political, economic and cultural capacity assessment with a view In the future, a comprehensive model can be presented in accordance with the living conditions of the province. In the present study, it has been tried to first prioritize the indicators of good urban governance according to the situation of the destination cities (Zabol-Zahedan-Iranshahr-Chabahar) and then to determine the distance between the current and desired situation of the selected cities.

Today But, some political necessities have caused states’ extensive interaction with terrorist groups behind the scenes. This is a driving factor in recognizing the responsibility of states for their roles and responsibilities in the international society against other actors. In this research, in addition to analysis the theoretical foundation of responsibility of legal persons (goverments leaders), we have briefly overviewed general responsibilities of states with the respect to terrorism phenomenon, and viewed the supplementary and specific responsibilities of states in the form of the doctrine of responsibility to protect against other actors of international relations. Considering the threat of these groups to international peace and security and international prohibitions, we have also reviewed moral and material supports of terrorism by some leaders and states. This situation made us to understand criminal responsibility of leaders considering all the existing restrictions, and the ability of authentication of their criminal liability and the design of this responsibility for crimes against humanity and war crimes that are available in Articles 7 and 8 of the Statute of the International Criminal Court. regarding the nonidentification of criminal liability of legal persons in the international system in this study, we are looking for approaches to identify the criminal responsibility of the political leaders of supporting terrorism with emphasis on the political geography of the middle east.